After years of violations, HTS aims to adopt a new policy of openness towards Idlib’s minorities, returning some seized properties and encouraging Christians and Druze to return. Still, discrimination persists and the hardline group has not compensated property owners for years of losses.
Bombings across northern Syria this month—by the Syrian regime and Russia against the HTS-controlled northwest, and by Turkey in the SDF-controlled northeast—have something in common: killing civilians and damaging infrastructure.
Following the killing of five Kurds in Jenderes by Turkish-backed forces in March, HTS intervened in SNA territory for the second time in six months, underscoring al-Jolani’s ambitions of territorial expansion and highlighting his use of ethnic and religious minorities to make a case for himself.
The issue of human rights is one card the Syrian opposition can play to obstruct moves towards normalization with Assad, but the end scenarios may not be in its favor, with a “piecemeal” political settlement not in accordance with Resolution 2254.
Some HTS forces that entered northern Aleppo province during recent infighting between Turkish-backed opposition factions withdrew to Idlib this week, but concerns about the hardline faction’s sustained influence remain.
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s expansion into northern Aleppo can be explained not through ideology, but strategic interests. Whether or not the hardline faction holds on to its recently captured territory hinges on how Turkey responds.
Humanitarian concerns play a key role in the evolution of Western policy towards HTS. But could greater engagement with HTS actually improve the humanitarian space in Idlib?
