US-backed Maghawir al-Thawra commander replaced, amid internal disagreements and corruption allegations

PARIS — The United States-led international coalition appointed Captain Muhammad Farid al-Qassem as the new commander of the coalition-backed opposition Maghawir al-Thawra faction operating in southern Syrian desert on September 23, after removing Brigadier General Muhannad al-Talaa from his post. 

Maghawir al-Thawra operates in a 55-kilometer area of the eastern Syrian desert, located at the intersection of the Syrian, Jordanian and Iraqi borders. The group is backed by the US-led international coalition, which maintains a presence at the al-Tanf military base in the zone. 

According to the coalition, the change of command “occurred to ensure the long-term success” of Maghawir al-Thawra, “and enhance regional partnerships and security within the 55km Deconfliction area,” Captain Ja’Kayla Hill, a member of the press office for Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR), told Syria Direct in an emailed statement.  

But the decision to dismiss al-Talaa in late September sparked local speculation, as it took place against a backdrop of allegations of the former commander’s involvement in instances of corruption, drug trafficking and other violations. 

Other questions surrounding the move focus on whether it could impact the Rukban displacement camp deep in the Syrian desert, which is under the protection of Maghawir al-Thawra, with support from the international coalition. 

The new commander, al-Qassem, has good relations with Jordan, which currently pumps water across the border to Rukban’s stranded residents but does not facilitate other aid. The last aid convoy to Rukban through Jordan was in 2018, and Amman has called the desert camp an internal Syrian matter.

Alleged violations

Four Syrian sources Syria Direct spoke to attributed al-Talaa’s dismissal to his mismanagement of a number of issues, alongside allegations of corruption and drug trafficking.

One Syrian media source close to the coalition in al-Tanf accused al-Talaa of directing “a group of corrupt people within the faction, and when they’re caught red-handed for the crimes of weapons or drug smuggling, he denies his relationship with them.” 

The same source, who requested anonymity for security reasons, said that at multiple points in recent years, “al-Talaa brought a number of people implicated [in crimes] back into the faction months after they were dismissed, taking advantage of the change of American forces at the base every six months.” 

A former commander of one military faction previously active in the 55-kilometer zone made a similar claim, accusing al-Talaa of “protecting a group of corrupt people, and creating fertile ground for them to carry out their business.” He said these reported actions posed “a direct security threat to Jordan, a member of the international coalition, due to the involvement of those groups in smuggling operations towards Jordan.” 

Tensions between al-Talaa and Syria’s southern neighbor, Jordan, which is facing what it has called a “war on drugs” on its northern border with Syria, also played a part in al-Talaa’s removal, the media source close to the coalition said. 

Al-Talaa “was not sufficiently flexible in dealing with the coalition and countries neighboring Syria,” he said. As a result, during the administration of former US President Donald Trump, “Jordan pressed for al-Talaa to be removed, but their efforts did not succeed at the time. So they worked to monitor issues related to his corruption, and the matter ended in his dismissal,” he added.

The former commander echoed this narrative, and said al-Talaa was reprimanded “by Jordanian military intelligence officers during his last meeting with them. They directly accused him of being a drug dealer, and said that Abu Hamza al-Khudair—a well-known drug dealer who was apprehended—admitted that al-Talaa was aware of these activities.” 

Al-Khudair is a former military point commander in Maghawir al-Thawra. In April 2020, he left the deconfliction zone after being arrested and interrogated by an opposition military group. He then left the area and turned himself in to Syrian regime Air Force Intelligence in Palmyra city, in eastern Homs province, the former commander said. 

CJTF-OIR spokesperson Hill said the coalition is aware of “allegations that al-Talaa was involved in these acts.” However, “we have no credible evidence that either al-Talaa or al-Qassem are tied to illicit activities,” she added. Hill said the coalition vets its partners “to ensure that none of our resources are used to enable or condone illicit activities.” 

Hill added that “actions like these hinder the Coalition and Partner Forces’ ongoing effort in the defeat of [the Islamic State] ISIS and pose a risk to the security and stability of the tri-border area.” 

A source close to al-Talaa who previously held a command position in Maghawir al-Thawra denied the allegations against the former commander, adding “the decision to dismiss al-Talaa is not the prerogative of the coalition, and it should not interfere in the appointment or dismissal of the faction leader.” He told Syria Direct the removal was “rejected by faction members and civilians in the region.” 

Rather than allegations of corruption, he claimed al-Talaa was dismissed after he “refused the coalition’s proposal to work under the leadership of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), considering they include foreign forces that are on terrorist lists” and promote what he called “an unpatriotic project calling for the division of Syria.” 

But one former military official with the Eastern Lions Army, a faction previously active in the Syrian desert, including the 55-kilometer area, said it was unlikely that al-Talaa was removed because he rejected a proposal to work under SDF leadership. 

“Maghawir al-Thawra is a small military force of up to 160 people, carrying out reconnaissance missions and monitoring the borders of Area 55 with the support of the coalition,” he said. He thought it unlikely that the coalition would “move the faction, or part of it, east of the Euphrates, where there are thousands of SDF fighters.” 

Does al-Qassem differ from his predecessor? 

Replacing al-Talaa with Muhammad Farid al-Qassem could indicate an attempt by the coalition to right the course of the faction affiliated with them, if allegations of corruption are true. But three of the sources who spoke to Syria Direct said he is not significantly different from his predecessor. 

“There are suspicions that al-Qassem is also involved in smuggling operations through his deployment points,” the former opposition commander in the deconfliction zone said. 

The media source close to the coalition agreed, adding that the new commander is also accused of involvement in “a murder and other violations.” However, “his actions are not comparable to al-Talaa and his gang,” he said. 

The source attributed al-Qassem’s appointment to several factors, most importantly that “he is a consensus figure, in the sense that he is good at dealing with the civilian and political bodies active in the [Rukban] camp, and with the Jordanians and Americans.” He said al-Qassem “has a better reputation than others, and holds a military rank.” 

But al-Qassem was not always on good terms with the US. He had to rebuild ties after he was cut off “from the Pentagon training program” for a short period in 2017 after “violating the conditions of support, since the program forbids fighting the regime if the latter does not pose a threat to the coalition,” the media source said. After that, “the faction al-Qassem led recommenced its work with the coalition and American forces through another program, belonging to the Central Intelligence Agency [CIA].” 

The Pentagon’s Syria Train and Equip Program is a covert program launched in 2014 to identify and train Syrian opposition forces. The program has had mixed results at best, and dozens of fighters left the program in 2015 after they were asked to pledge not to attack Syrian regime forces. A parallel classified program run by the CIA, Timber Sycamore, began in late 2012 or early 2013, and provided training and weapons to thousands of opposition forces. In 2017, former President Trump reportedly decided to end the program.

Internal divisions

Maghawir al-Thawra was established in May 2015, on the ruins of the New Syrian Army, a faction made up of 120 members from Deir e-Zor, Palmyra and the Aleppo countryside who received military training in Jordan, al-Talaa said in a 2017 interview with Al-Monitor.

After opposition factions in the Syrian desert—most notably the Martyr Ahmad Abdo Forces, Eastern Lions Army and Liwa Shuhada al-Qaryatayn—dissolved themselves due to losing military support, small groups from these factions joined Maghawir al-Thawra. These faction-affiliated groups, although small, became currents within Maghawir al-Thawra, the former Eastern Lions official said. 

Today, these deep-rooted divisions within the faction are bubbling to the surface, as lines are drawn between those who support or condemn al-Talaa’s dismissal and the new commander. But divisions are even more clear in Rukban camp, as the civilian and social bodies that claim to represent its residents are split.

For five days last week, dozens of Rukban camp residents held a sit-in in front of the al-Tanf base to protest al-Qassem’s appointment. Others in the camp held a sit-in on Friday to demonstrate the opposite, showing support for the new commander. 

Muhammad Ahmad al-Hayan, the director of the Office of Displaced Persons Affairs in the Rukban Local Council, one of two competing bodies that claim to represent civilians in the camp, said al-Qassem was “rejected” and called him “a person unfit and unsuited for leadership.” Al-Hayan said camp residents from al-Qaryatayn, where al-Qassem is from, do not accept him as a commander in the area. 

Following al-Qassem’s appointment, members of the local council and notables from Rukban met with an international coalition team within al-Tanf base. The delegation presented demands from Rukban residents, rejecting the new commander and calling for a replacement to be chosen from within Maghawir al-Thawra itself. 

As an alternative solution, the delegation suggested, according to a statement the local council posted on its official Facebook page, that an officer defected from the regime who has a good reputation and lives in Turkey or Jordan be appointed as commander for the deconfliction area after agreement from all parties. 

Should the coalition insist on al-Qassem “by force,” the statement read, the council demands it “open a safe route to the liberated Syrian north or east of the Euphrates, under the auspices of the United Nations” for civilians and fighters who wish to leave the area. 

But Mahmoud Qasem al-Hamili, the head of the Rukban Civil Administration, which also claims to represent its residents, said the local council does not represent the camp. He alleged “the one who speaks in the name of the council is Muhammad Ahmad al-Dirbas, who was exiled from the camp because of a murder.” 

Al-Hamili expressed support for the new commander, and said people in the camp “are looking forward to this change with positivity and optimism, especially since al-Qassem led the auxiliary force at the al-Tanf base, has made positive impressions on people and provided assistance to many of them.” 

Will Rukban be affected? 

The informal Rukban camp is under a siege imposed by the Syrian regime amid an absence of international organizations. The last humanitarian aid convoy to enter the camp came in 2019, and Rukban relies on basic goods brought in through smuggling from regime areas. 

Al-Hamili claimed al-Talaa “distorted the image of Rukban camp and its residents through his role in the drug trade in the region.” He said a new commander “could be a reason for Jordan to change its policy towards the camp,” particularly “if the new commander manages to uproot the drug trade from the area.” 

The media source close to the coalition agreed, saying “the damage al-Talaa caused to Jordan was one reason Jordan decided to cut off support and close its borders.” He believes “al-Qassem has an opportunity to leverage his personal relations with the Jordanians to reach a certain formula with them that will help the camp’s residents.” 

CJTF-OIR spokesperson Hill said the coalition believes al-Qassem’s leadership “will enhance regional partnerships and further enable the Coalition’s efforts to improve the humanitarian situation within the Rukban camp.” 

But the former commander in Area 55 does not believe a change of leadership will directly affect Rukban, whether negatively or positively. “The coalition forces decide in the area, and appointing a person who does not hold the decision, politically or militarily, won’t change anything,” he said. 

Jordan is not likely to change its policy towards Rukban, he added, since “it has made a decision through its highest leadership not to provide humanitarian support to the camp.” 

*The Arabic version of this report, published on September 30, 2022, was updated on October 4, 2022 to include comments from the coalition. 

This report was originally published in Arabic and translated into English by Mateo Nelson.