While the immediate threat of open war between Iran and Israel has receded in the wake of this month’s unprecedented escalation, the risk of renewed conflict lingers. Syria—fertile ground for another spark—remains a place to watch.
Atia Abu Salem, a Syrian refugee in Jordan arrested on his way to a pro-Gaza demonstration this month, is facing deportation. The families of “many Syrians” among the more than 1,500 people detained amid recent protests are keeping quiet, afraid of “escalation.”
Erbil’s April 4 decision to stop issuing visas to Syrians has been a disaster for those for whom the Kurdistan Region of Iraq was a safe haven from conscription or a place to reunite with family members after years of separation.
The killing of a member of a right-wing Christian political party in Lebanon last week, attributed by the army to Syrian carjackers, unleashed a torrent of violence and threats against refugees, leaving many afraid to leave their homes.
Syrians, like other refugees in Egypt, face a host of barriers to residency and work permits. Pushed into the informal sector, they face exploitation and abuse. Their plight points to the darker side of Egypt for millions of foreigners.
Egypt is home to 1.5 million Syrians, thousands of whom have opened successful businesses in the country. Many consider Egypt a safe haven compared to other states in the region, where anti-refugee sentiments are on the rise. However, amid a worsening economic crisis, this golden age may be nearing its end.
Grinding poverty keeps thousands of children out of school and on the job in northwestern Syria. Across the country, more than 43 percent of children do not go to school, raising fears of a generation left behind.
Syrians in Zaatari, the world’s largest Syrian refugee camp, are struggling to make ends meet this Ramadan after the World Food Program cut their food assistance by about a third last year due to funding shortfalls.
People in Syria’s southern Houran region have long turned to clan reconciliation processes to resolve thorny disputes. The practice increased after 2011, and peaked over the past three years, with residents choosing the clans over the courts with the encouragement of regime legal representatives.
Communities and local armed groups in Syria’s southern Suwayda and Daraa provinces are taking the fight against drug traffickers and smugglers into their own hands. With Damascus and Hezbollah profiting from the trade, they face an uphill battle.
